Wednesday, August 1, 2012
Homophobe Black Pastors Brand Obama Judas
By Sikivu Hutchinson
Proving that there’s no fool like a God-fearing fool, William Owens, founder of the Coalition of African American Pastors, recently announced the launch of a national campaign against President Obama’s support for same-sex marriage. Speaking at a press conference Owens condemned Obama’s “Judas” like ways for “bowing to homosexual money,” blustering that he didn’t march “one foot or one yard” in the civil rights movement “for a man to marry a man.” Owens’ posse brings to mind a similar campaign waged against gay rights advocate Reverend Eric Lee in 2009 at the height of the Prop 8 debate. During Lee’s tenure as head of the Los Angeles chapter of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference he was threatened with removal because of his outspoken support of same sex marriage. Then as now, conservative black pastors argued that support for same sex marriage was contrary to civil rights. But Owens has ramped up the invective with the suggestion that same sex marriage breeds child molestation. According to Owens, “If you watch the men who have been caught having sex with little boys, you will note that all of them will say that they were molested as a child.”
Straights are always fond of playing the gay predator card, ignoring evidence that most child molesters are heterosexual men. Heterosexist fixation on gay "pedophiles" (the term pedophilia refers to attraction to children and not to behaviors of sexual abuse) further marginalizes the epidemic of sexual violence against women and girls; violence that is often perpetuated within the sanctity of straight marriage in all the good straight Christian families that Owens wants to save. The tired debate over whether LGBT liberation is a civil rights issue hinges on proprietary claims to a legacy of struggle that presumably only straight black folk are entitled to. Thus, not only do Deuteronomy and Leviticus say gays are aberrant—but white gays speciously ride on the coattails of self-proclaimed “movement” blacks like Owens. According to this logic, equality for gays and lesbians isn’t a civil right because there were no state sanctioned segregation laws barring gays and lesbians from employment, schools or housing—an argument which is just as absurd as asserting that gender equity is not a civil rights issue because there were no poll taxes, grandfather clauses, or literacy tests for white women at the voting booth before 1920. In this reductive universe all women are white and all gays are white. The notion that systematized oppression, as well as systematized privilege and entitlement, intersect via multiple identities is unheard of. Yet black gay and lesbian slaves worked the plantation alongside straights while having their lives, identities and right to love tacitly if not violently suppressed by a regime that brutally exploited black bodies and black reproduction. Black gay and lesbian youth sit in classrooms where they are ritualistically called out of their names, dehumanized and rendered invisible by cultural norms that equate attractiveness, social acceptance and authentic masculinity and femininity with being heterosexual. And black gay and lesbian partners live in segregated neighborhoods, struggle with inequitable access to health care, jobs, and housing while being denied the privilege of marital benefits that provide straight families economic stability.
Owens is a consultant to the National Organization for Marriage (NOM), an outfit that has schemed to make same-sex marriage a “wedge issue” between gays and African Americans. The pastors’ campaign is timed to undermine black support for Obama in the 2012 election. Fingering Obama as a Judas to black religious interests Owens will find plenty of common ground with fellow Christian fascists in the Tea Party. They have a nice ropes course to guide him through. In the meantime let’s keep the family safe for hetero predators—the one’s protected and sanctioned by the Bible.
Sikivu Hutchinson is the author of Moral Combat: Black Atheists, Gender Politics, and the Values Wars and the forthcoming Godless Americana: Race and Religious Rebels.
Tuesday, July 17, 2012
Wages of White Affirmative Action: Predatory Lending & The Ghetto
By Sikivu
Hutchinson
White people have
started to return to South Los Angeles. They
can be seen watering lawns, walking dogs, and frequenting local restaurants. Legend has it that there are a few white families
that never left during the postwar mass exodus that magically transformed what
was once Southwest L.A. into “South Central”—that internationally notorious, mythic
den of drugs, drive-bys and destruction that launched a thousand gangsta rap careers
and corporate parasites rolling to the bank on the backs of “bitches” and “hos.”
Back in the day all
of the “bad” black and brown schools in Compton, Watts, and Inglewood were
teeming with whites. Americana Leave it
to Beaver mom icon Barbara Billingsley even graduated from a local ‘hood school
in the 1930s. But these new white transplants
are merely symbols of the turbulent real estate market, not inner city
missionaries slumming for an ethnographic high.
They’re canaries in the coalmine of negative equity. Priced out of the “better”
(read white) areas of the city some white homebuyers have been forced to
venture back into the hood. Snapping up
Spanish or Craftsman-style bungalows in savvy short sales they’re rediscovering
the “quaintness” of Black neighborhoods that their forebears escaped decades
ago courtesy of government programs like the GI Bill and FHA mortgage lending. Touring the streets wide-eyed with their
travelogues some register surprise at the area’s suburban aura, the “tidiness”
of the homes, the “unexpected” pride in ownership that the natives demonstrate.
But having the luxury to move back to the “ghetto” they built through
generations of apartheid housing policies is part of whites’ democratic birthright.
White American
democracy has always meant the bliss of segregation and the willful ignorance
of the bodies that get displaced. It’s
ladled out in cultural initiations like being warned to keep the car windows up
when driving through Black areas or having a nifty cell phone app nicknamed
“Avoid Ghetto.” Even in the era of rampant
“Main Street” foreclosure and negative equity white American democracy still
means the privilege of mobility. When
whites move into neighborhoods that residents of color have been forced to
leave due to plummeting home values and high unemployment it’s called
gentrification. It is only cause for
national political action and reform when white middle class homeowners are
impacted by imploding housing bubbles. Bipartisan
political rhetoric that fixates on the “middle class” (as the default
category), while marginalizing disproportionately asset poor working class people of color, merely reinforces a
colorblind class myth where struggling white people have it “just as bad” as
people of color.
This is true, because, for the party of the Religious Right,
poor people don’t work and they don’t pay taxes. God’s pecking order does not favor being on
the dole and accepting handouts. American
exceptionalism is validated by the specter of the Black ghetto as den of
immorality. According to this narrative
African Americans have squandered the advantages of living in a democratic
society in which everyone has an equal chance at economic mobility. Black poverty is only immoral insofar as it
reflects a certain cultural indolence and pathology on the part of shiftless
blacks. While “cultures of poverty”
corrupt, cultures of success, based on capitalism, free enterprise, and hard
work, uplift and moralize. Systemic discrimination
has never been deemed immoral in the American mainstream. For the Right, systemic discrimination is a
quaint oxymoron, vestige of a primitive era when the U.S. was presumably less
evolved. The moral universe consists of
getting ahead through a mish mash of Darwinian manifest destiny; the way God
wanted it, free of the fetters of restrictive public policy that rewards the
sloth of homeowners of color.
In 2011 former
mortgage giant Countrywide was found guilty of engaging in predatory lending which
targeted Black and Latino homebuyers. Last
week lending titan Wells Fargo settled a lawsuit
after it was accused of steering over 30,000 Black and Latino homebuyers to
subprime loans. The class action stemmed
from a Baltimore city lawsuit in which former employees alleged that Wells Fargo
“loan officers referred to minority borrowers as ‘mud people’ and called
subprime mortgages ‘ghetto loans.’” During
the lending boom Wells Fargo officials regularly conducted “wealth building” seminars
in communities of color, (often headlined by talk show host Tavis Smiley) where
reps secretly peddled subprime loans.
So while homebuyers
of color were essentially taxed for being black or brown; white homebuyers “bootstrapped”
their way to the American dream with lower interest rates and better terms
handed to them by the big banks. “Homebuying
while white,” many of them had the same credit scores and incomes as applicants
of color. What they didn’t have was the
same capital and asset holdings. Not only is Black and Latino wealth a fraction
of white wealth but the vast majority of it is based on home equity; home
equity that has been pillaged by Wells Fargo, Countrywide, Bank of America and
other lenders. As Yuan Miu of the Washington Post argues, the housing bust
has “left a scar on the finances of black America…(it) has not only wiped out a
generation of economic progress but could leave them at financial disadvantage
for generations to come.”
Yet mainstream
narratives on the housing meltdown tend to revolve around irresponsible
homebuyers lapping up variable mortgages they couldn’t pay off or vulnerable
homebuyers sacrificed on the altar of Wall Street’s credit default swap morass.
After President Obama finished bailing
out the big Wall Street banks his rhetoric turned to shoring up Main Street. To hear Obama tell it, the brunt of the
crisis was squarely centered in Middle America.
Urban neighborhoods devastated by the TKO of predatory lending, foreclosure,
job discrimination, and mass incarceration barely registered on the radar of
the administration or the mainstream media. There was little mass outrage over the immoral
systematic disenfranchisement of Black and Latino homebuyers by the banking crooks. Neither GOP lawmakers, nor prominent Democrats,
other than a few in the Congressional Black Caucus, rushed to criticize the
lending industry’s white affirmative action. Nor did they condemn the racist
practices of bankruptcy attorneys who refer debt-ridden Black consumers to more
costly Chapter 13 bankruptcy
filings.
Being against “big government” or social welfare for working
class communities of color has always been about morality. It is reflected in right wing venom against
public employee unions and health care reform which are both overwhelmingly
supported by people of color. It is amplified
in racist discourse around illegal immigration, spearheaded by Christian
fascist states in the Bible Belt and the Southwest. As the white population and white births
continue to decline nativist propaganda against racial, social, and gender justice
has become more unabashedly Christian fascist.
It’s the wages of white affirmative action that have always defined American
democracy—model for the civilized world.
Sikivu Hutchinson is the author of Moral
Combat: Black Atheists, Gender Politics, and the Values Wars and the
forthcoming Godless Americana: Race and Religious
Rebels.
Wednesday, July 11, 2012
Massa Mitt Pisses and Calls it Rain
By Sikivu Hutchinson
Massa “I'll piss on you Negroes from a great height and call it rain” Mitt shoulda been run out on a rail instead of booed at the recent NAACP convention. After slobbering over the stereotypically devout Black audience with all God’s chilluns got wings bromides he went on to tell them he would repeal the Affordable Care Act because, don’t you know, none of us should rely on big govt unless we’re helming a hedge fund and wanking Big Brother. Yes, he shoulda been run out on a rail and forced to do Mormon last rites at his multi-million dollar New Hampshire compound for the scores of black HIV/AIDS patients dropping dead every day. Or provide long term coverage to the homeless student of mine (unable to find a job due to her felony conviction) who racked up thousands in emergency room costs for an ulcer. Or play Florence Nightingale to the cousin who landed at the County hospital after suffering a gunshot wound; homicide and AIDS being leading causes of death for young black men. But Massa Mitt was in good company today as the House voted to repeal ACA and release the pressure valve on two years of pent up white nationalist sound and fury over government handouts to poor folk only a fraction of whom will be covered by the ACA due to Red State refusals to expand Medicaid.
Of course, by buckling on single payer the Obama administration has been no friend to African Americans who have the highest unemployment rates (over 14% nationally), lowest life expectancy, and greatest residential segregation of any group in the country. Back in 2009 when Obama was still fine-tuning his tough love message scolding Black America about sagging pants and deadbeat dads, African Americans were told that a rising tide lifts all boats. There was no need for targeted government programs for jobless homeless African Americans because mainstream social welfare policies would benefit them equally. Obama’s stance has always been disingenous given that the wealth gap between blacks and whites is staggering and even affluent blacks generally live in poorer neighborhoods than do lower-income whites. As Margaret Kimberly of Black Agenda Report contends “Of course this black man is president in large part because he doesn’t identify with the political aspirations of black people. He famously said there is no black America or white America, and the degree to which he was embraced by millions of black people only adds to the denial of the severity of our situation.” Romney’s NAACP sideshow only obscures how miserably the Obama administration has failed African American communities in a GOP wet dream of post-racialism.
Saturday, July 7, 2012
'It's Alright Ma (I'm Only Bleeding)*: In Memory of Alfee Enciso
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| S.Segal, J.Woods, Y.D. Hutchinson, T.Thigpen & Alfee at Ms. Hutchinson's retirement from King-Drew HS, 2009 |
By Sikivu Hutchinson
Bob
Dylan, barnstorming wordsmith and one of Alfee Enciso’s favorite artists, once said
that “he not busy being born is busy dying.”
Alfee was always in the process of being born; as a teacher, writer,
friend, athlete, public intellectual, and skeptic par excellence who never took
anything on faith, abhorred dogma, and rammed his finger in the face of
complacency every chance he got. One of
my most vivid early memories of him was when he strutted around our living room
in high dudgeon after he and my mother Yvonne Divans Hutchinson had weathered
another long day at Markham Middle School.
A student had stolen $50 (big big money in 1984) from his desk and he was
royally pissed, railing against the injustice of it, jabbing a broomstick in the
air for dramatic emphasis. After one too
many jabs the broomstick hit the ceiling, sending plaster raining down on the floor.
Sheepishly, Alfee dissolved into his
trademark Cheshire cat grin, muttering forgiveness of the culprit who “probably
needed the money more than I did.”
And
that was Alfee; empathic satirist, eternal student. As one of my master teacher mother’s first
Markham mentees he internalized her lessons about teaching as radical humanist
art and ethics. Over the years I had the
chance to see this wild man mix of swagger and sweetness in action with his
students, young and old, from Dorsey and Washington Prep High Schools to L.A.
County’s annual teacher conference. He
roved and ruled his classrooms like a prize fighter, inspiring all who entered
to think critically about the sociopolitical condition of their communities in
a global context. At Dorsey he presided
over classes of often brilliant but disaffected students who, like many in the
LAUSD, had had it drilled into their heads that youth of color were incapable
of intellectualism or scholarship.
Having learned from my mother’s rigorous example Alfee’s approach was to
bring it on—lavishing his students with both multicultural and canonical “Great
White Men” literature, steeping them in the poetry of black and Latino culture,
schooling them in how institutional racism was at play from everything to the
fast food that they ate, the crappy chronically late public buses they had to
ride traveling through South L.A., and the draconian prison system that
ensnared their friends and family at an early age. Alf-Dog, as my mother affectionately called
him, embodied all that was right about Paolo Freire’s Pedagogy of the
Oppressed—he ate, slept, and breathed teaching as life’s art and work; recognizing
no dividing line between being literate about books, being literate about the
world and being literate about the bitter paradox of America’s sham “democracy.”
In
an era where many young men of color are socialized to believe that being hard
and swaggering is the currency of real manhood, Alfee wasn’t afraid to show
compassion and emotion to his students.
Once, when I was observing him at Dorsey while working for the LAUSD
school board he broke down out of frustration with the sullen self-hating
disdain they expressed during our discussion about black/brown tension at the
school. The kids shifted in their seats
mockingly, unsettled by the “heresy” of seeing a grown man and an authority
figure cry. The boys in that room who
called Mr. Enciso soft were just trotting out the patriarchal script they’d
learned about men’s proper roles. But,
like many of us who teach, Alfee’s tears sprung from rage and profound
impatience with American public education: impatience with the glacial pace of
progress in so-called inner city schools, impatience with the sloth and
corruption that deifies professional mediocrity, and impatience with how little
time his students had to get out alive and punch through to freedom. And this is what I will miss the most about
him; the critical consciousness, ferocity, and courage that he brought to the
classroom of life, blazing into it with a 100 mph sense
of mission; knowing that if you weren’t busy being born every day you were busy
dying.
*Disillusioned words like bullets bark
As human gods aim for their mark
Make everything from toy guns that spark
To flesh-colored Christs that glow in the dark
It’s easy to see without looking too far
That not much is really sacred
While preachers preach of evil fates
Teachers teach that knowledge waits
Can lead to hundred-dollar plates
Goodness hides behind its gates
But even the president of the United States
Sometimes must have to stand naked
An’ though the rules of the road have been lodged
It’s only people’s games that you got to dodge
And it’s alright, Ma, I can make it
--Bob Dylan, 1965
Sunday, June 24, 2012
The GOP's Tired, Poor, Huddled Masses
By Sikivu Hutchinson
With the final countdown to the election the GOP and the Religious Right are desperately trying to get their compassionate conservatism on. After months of spewing white supremacist Minuteman rhetoric about dangerous illegals, Mitt Romney has come, hat in hand, to Latinos with a “kinder gentler” message. President Obama’s granting of work permits and freedom from deportation to undocumented youth upped the ante for Romney. Speaking recently before the National Association of Latino Elected Officials Romney didn’t dare reiterate his infamous demand that undocumented Latinos “self-deport.” Instead, he trotted out bromides about keeping “strong families” together in a blizzard of limp pandering. Recently the New York Times reported that some evangelicals are (shockingly) advocating a softer stance toward undocumented immigrants. Like those freshly-scrubbed Mormon missionary boys who descend ritualistically onto the third world/inner city, some evangelicals are bug-eyed over the prospect of fresh meat from the “barrio.” The smartest among them have read the tea leaves and checked the collection plates. Latinos are the fastest growing segment of the evangelical population. Latino parishioners are fueling a resurgence of Pentecostalism in the U.S. and filling in the gaps of an aging white demographic in decline. Taking a hard line white supremacist stance on immigration is political suicide for the GOP and the Religious Right. As they continue to do a tortured 180 on immigration policy the Right will ratchet up classic divide and conquer narratives tied to bootstrapping and a racialized mythos of hard work. These messages ultimately pivot on an implicit contrast between immigrant Latinos and African Americans.
In her book Whiteness and the Literary Imagination, Toni Morrison argues, “The rights of man…an organizing principle on which this nation was founded…was inevitably yoked to Africanism…the concept of freedom did not emerge in a vacuum. Nothing highlighted freedom—if it did not in fact create it—like slavery. Black slavery enriched the country’s creative possibilities. For in that construction of blackness and enslavement could be found not only the not-free…but the not-me…It is no accident and no mistake that immigrant populations (and much immigrant literature) understood their ‘Americanness’ as an opposition to the resident black population.”
This contrast between the immigrant trajectory of seized opportunity (and earned citizenship) versus the resident black population’s essential otherness, is a subtext of the GOP’s anti-government platform. Every school age child of color has been indoctrinated into Statue of Liberty shtick declaring that somewhere back in the mists of time white people were poor backward immigrants clawing tooth and nail to make it on America’s gold-paved streets. Every child of color is supposed to know that whites who work every day achieve upward mobility against great personal odds. That’s why they don’t see white people living in their neighborhoods or going to their schools.
That’s why some of my students associate white masculinity with Donald Trump caricatures of wealth and privilege. The white immigrant narrative is privileged as the most authentic version of personal ingenuity and achievement. Exposed to textbook stories of heroic white historical figures that triumphed against adversity students of color are taught to believe that all white work is hard work. Dirt poor whites whose ancestors grew up in log cabins, escaped pogroms in Eastern Europe, potato famine in Ireland, and Bubonic plague in England made America the proud beacon of democracy and free enterprise that it is today. In the late twentieth century Asian and (legal) Latino immigrants picked up the torch. The blaring message to blacks is, if “those tired, poor, huddled masses did it, why can’t you people?”As nativist and xenophobic as the GOP’s opposition to the Dream Act is it is still mediated by the perception that immigrant workers are hardworking. Much of GOP presidential primary messaging about work—from Newt Gingrich’s racist slurs about blacks waiting for handouts, to Rick Santorum’s “I don’t want to make black people’s live better by giving them other people’s money” comment--evoked the myth of black welfare dependency and white industriousness. Thus, even though immigrants of color will always be perpetual outsiders their citizenship is viewed as hard fought, hard won, and richly deserved. For example, golden boy Republican senator Marco Rubio has become the right’s Hispanic du jour because his autobiography seems to fit neatly into the narrative of American exceptionalism and immigrant enterprise. This narrative dovetails with Latinos’ intermediary racial status. Despite being of mixed black, Asian, Indian and European ancestry the majority of Latinos in the U.S. identify racially as white. Clearly the ambiguity of Latino racial identity was a significant factor in Middle American solidarity with George Zimmerman. Jewish Peruvian-American “white Hispanic” Zimmerman’s $200k defense fund was bankrolled by white fears of the criminal black welfare leeching other. Had Martin been “white Hispanic” and Zimmerman black not only would there have been no defense fund but Zimmerman would have been arrested, charged, and tried in due course.
A few weeks ago an Arkansas Tea Party official got knee-slapping laughs after telling the following widely publicized joke at a gathering:
A Black son asks his mother what democracy means. Her response was, "Well, son, that be when white folks work every day so us po' folks can get all our benefits.”
“But mama, don't the white folk get mad about that?”
“They sho do, son. They sho do. And that's called racism."
So while undocumented Latinos “steal” American jobs, blacks wait for handouts and white people toil for the American dream. Blacks believe living on the dole is “their” birthright; whites and bootstrapping family values minorities fester under the yoke of a welfare state that wants to kill free enterprise with taxes and enslaving regulation. The kinder gentler GOP will exploit this racist propaganda in an explicit appeal to Latino voters’ provisional model minority status. And it will be the soundtrack of 2016.
Thursday, June 21, 2012
Myth of a Christian Nation: Norm Allen on Moral Combat
Excerpted from QBR, Quarterly Black Book Review
By Norm R. Allen Jr.
Sikivu Hutchinson’s superbly written and well-researched book, Moral Combat: Black Atheists, Gender Politics, and the Values Wars stands out like a sore thumb among the books of “New Atheists” such as Christopher Hitchens, Victor Stenger, Richard Dawkins, Sam Harris and Daniel Dennett. Hutchinson puts forth a bold analysis of the political and religious culture wars raging across the U.S. She examines the Religious Right, scientism amongst white secular humanists, the need for social and economic justice, the ethical imperative to defend the rights of LGBTQ people, etc. She does all of this from the perspective of a progressive African American feminist.
Today many White Christians are insisting that America is a Christian nation. Indeed, Mitt Romney is meeting a great deal of resistance to his presidential campaign from conservative Christians that do not believe Mormonism is part of the Christian faith…However, Hutchinson maintains that race and Christianity have become inextricably linked among many White conservatives in the U.S. She maintains that the contention that America is a Christian nation is tied to a belief in White supremacy and fear of the “Other.” This analysis helps explain how the Tea Party used the notion of a Christian nation to foster the “birther idea,” and to maintain that Obama is a Muslim in Christian clothing.
Hutchinson does not simply critique conservative White Christians. She also has strong words for Ayaan Hirsi Ali, the atheist and Somali-born darling of the Religious Right. Ali has been a strong critic of Islam. However, she has been warmly embraced by the ultra-conservative American Enterprise Institute, she has a Eurocentric world view, and she romanticizes the West. Perhaps worst of all, she greatly downplays sexism and homophobia in the Western world. Hutchinson eloquently takes her to task for her shortsightedness.
Hutchinson does not shy away from critiquing womanist icons such as bell hooks. She notes that many Black women such as hooks point to the book Corinthians as a major source of spiritual strength and empowerment. However, Corinthians also contains passages defending patriarchy…thus the Bible presents women with a crippling paradox, when they would be better off rejecting dogma altogether.
The author discusses the effects that storefront churches have on the collective psyche and identity of African Americans. She writes: For example, in North Lawndale Chicago’s ‘community of 1000 churches’ there has been much debate about whether the proliferation of storefront churches is harmful or helpful to the local economy…A 2009 Chicago Tribune article documented community dissatisfaction with which church congregations utilize tax exempt status to open churches in areas where there is little sustainable commercial development…This concern is added to the concern over whether these churches are destroying the tax base of these neighborhoods and preventing job development that might otherwise be attained by developing commercial enterprises. Indeed, Hutchinson refers to an article in which the writer maintains that some storefront churches provide opposition to business development in their neighborhood because it could lead to increases in their rent…
Just as many White conservatives assert that America is a (White) Christian nation, others go farther and link God to small-town (White) America. This is set up in opposition to urban (Black and Brown) America…During the 2008 presidential campaign, Sarah Palin frequently harped on the difference between the values of real Americans living in small towns and the bankrupt inauthentic values of urban Americans. These code words have been crucial in mobilizing White conservatives to oppose Black candidates and stigmatize Black and Brown people. Moreover, they have been used to identify liberals as ungodly and unlikely to look out for the interests of “real” Americans.
Moral Combat discusses much of the little-known story of Black atheists inside and outside organized atheism in the U.S. and deserves a place on the bookshelves of all atheists and readers interested in the past, present and future of Black people in the U.S.
Norm Allen is the editor of the groundbreaking book African American Humanism and The Black Humanist Experience: An Alternative to Religion. He is currently writing a book entitled Secular, Successful and Black: 25 Profiles. He is also the editor of the journal The Human Prospect published by the Institute for Science and Human Values.
By Norm R. Allen Jr.
Sikivu Hutchinson’s superbly written and well-researched book, Moral Combat: Black Atheists, Gender Politics, and the Values Wars stands out like a sore thumb among the books of “New Atheists” such as Christopher Hitchens, Victor Stenger, Richard Dawkins, Sam Harris and Daniel Dennett. Hutchinson puts forth a bold analysis of the political and religious culture wars raging across the U.S. She examines the Religious Right, scientism amongst white secular humanists, the need for social and economic justice, the ethical imperative to defend the rights of LGBTQ people, etc. She does all of this from the perspective of a progressive African American feminist.
Today many White Christians are insisting that America is a Christian nation. Indeed, Mitt Romney is meeting a great deal of resistance to his presidential campaign from conservative Christians that do not believe Mormonism is part of the Christian faith…However, Hutchinson maintains that race and Christianity have become inextricably linked among many White conservatives in the U.S. She maintains that the contention that America is a Christian nation is tied to a belief in White supremacy and fear of the “Other.” This analysis helps explain how the Tea Party used the notion of a Christian nation to foster the “birther idea,” and to maintain that Obama is a Muslim in Christian clothing.
Hutchinson does not simply critique conservative White Christians. She also has strong words for Ayaan Hirsi Ali, the atheist and Somali-born darling of the Religious Right. Ali has been a strong critic of Islam. However, she has been warmly embraced by the ultra-conservative American Enterprise Institute, she has a Eurocentric world view, and she romanticizes the West. Perhaps worst of all, she greatly downplays sexism and homophobia in the Western world. Hutchinson eloquently takes her to task for her shortsightedness.
Hutchinson does not shy away from critiquing womanist icons such as bell hooks. She notes that many Black women such as hooks point to the book Corinthians as a major source of spiritual strength and empowerment. However, Corinthians also contains passages defending patriarchy…thus the Bible presents women with a crippling paradox, when they would be better off rejecting dogma altogether.
The author discusses the effects that storefront churches have on the collective psyche and identity of African Americans. She writes: For example, in North Lawndale Chicago’s ‘community of 1000 churches’ there has been much debate about whether the proliferation of storefront churches is harmful or helpful to the local economy…A 2009 Chicago Tribune article documented community dissatisfaction with which church congregations utilize tax exempt status to open churches in areas where there is little sustainable commercial development…This concern is added to the concern over whether these churches are destroying the tax base of these neighborhoods and preventing job development that might otherwise be attained by developing commercial enterprises. Indeed, Hutchinson refers to an article in which the writer maintains that some storefront churches provide opposition to business development in their neighborhood because it could lead to increases in their rent…
Just as many White conservatives assert that America is a (White) Christian nation, others go farther and link God to small-town (White) America. This is set up in opposition to urban (Black and Brown) America…During the 2008 presidential campaign, Sarah Palin frequently harped on the difference between the values of real Americans living in small towns and the bankrupt inauthentic values of urban Americans. These code words have been crucial in mobilizing White conservatives to oppose Black candidates and stigmatize Black and Brown people. Moreover, they have been used to identify liberals as ungodly and unlikely to look out for the interests of “real” Americans.
Moral Combat discusses much of the little-known story of Black atheists inside and outside organized atheism in the U.S. and deserves a place on the bookshelves of all atheists and readers interested in the past, present and future of Black people in the U.S.
Norm Allen is the editor of the groundbreaking book African American Humanism and The Black Humanist Experience: An Alternative to Religion. He is currently writing a book entitled Secular, Successful and Black: 25 Profiles. He is also the editor of the journal The Human Prospect published by the Institute for Science and Human Values.
Tuesday, June 12, 2012
The Uppity Negress & the O.G.s
By Sikivu HutchinsonWord on the street has it that that uppity Negress/bad bitch from Black Skeptics has elicited “complaints” from a cabal of festering white men. Last week PZ Myers reported that he and a few others had gotten an industry memo about her article “Black Atheists Rising” in the International Humanists News journal. Since uppity Negress/bad bitch wasn’t cc’ed she can only guess how the virtual smackdown went but PZ did a good job of checking the o.g. gangstas. In a 2000-plus word article about the social justice outreach and scholarship of non-believers of color seems the O.G.s were most riled about the Negress’ wack critique of white supremacy and scientism in the Kumbaya atheist nation.
Meanwhile, in a galaxy not far far away, the Negress attended the American Humanist Association (AHA) conference in New Orleans. On the way to the hotel and the virtually all white conference she rolled through dilapidated segregated neighborhoods in an air-conditioned shuttle bus. Post-Katrina the income and wealth gap between blacks and whites has become more gargantuan. Black unemployment has skyrocketed, black residential displacement is still prevalent, New Orleans schools are hyper-segregated and charterized, and the city is no less churched than it was several years ago. During a seminar the Negress facilitated on Culturally Relevant Humanism some of the white participants got all bothered when she introduced the alien concept of the dominant culture. The seminar went through a variation of Peggy McKintosh’s “Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack” exercise in which race, gender, sexual orientation, and ability privileges are highlighted by who moves where in the room. For example, white folk will never have to worry about their kids being Trayvon Martin. White folk can bet that if they choose to have children they will always be able to see people of their race and/or gender represented in textbooks as authority figures and leaders in science and philosophy. Historically, from the postwar FHA to mortgage lender Countrywide to Louisiana’s Road Homeowner Assistance Program, white homeowners have benefited from affirmative action policies that built white wealth and institutionalized segregated residential patterns. Being of the dominant culture means never seeing it. It means having a near religious belief that good meritocratic shit like living wage jobs, home loans, tenure, and safe communities just come to you because you’re more enlightened, talented, disciplined, and hard working than those lazy shiftless racial others who are in church 24/7 and don’t subscribe to evolution.
During the seminar AHA development director Maggie Ardiente (an outstanding leader and the only other woman of color there) and Dr. Anthony Pinn both reflected on how they are constantly being told by whites in the “movement” that they don’t see them as people of color, don’t see their race, implicitly see them as exceptions, ad nauseum ad infinitum. As Pinn argues in his essential book African American Humanist Principles, white American Humanism was based on the elevation of the (white) universal subject and the construction of the racial other:
“European humanism and white American humanism develop under the assumption of human worth and integrity. That is to say, these two modalities of humanism emerge in light of an assumed value and worth. They develop as the “surface” of Renaissance and Enlightenment confidence. Yet, for those of African descent it is a different story. They are the underbelly of the Renaissance and the Enlightenment in that the advances that shape these two periods occur in part because of the slave trade, and the overdetermination and dehumanization of Africans. Mindful of this, one can safely say African American humanism is a reaction against modernity and its ramifications. The ‘freedom’ upon which modernity rests…was not meant for Africans; rather African bodies provided the raw material for this freedom.”
Radical humanism seeks to dismantle the naturalization of white supremacy as the invisible template for rational civilization. Because the o.gs don’t have to know that being Trayvon, or Aiyanna Jones ( a 7-year old black murdered in 2010 by Detroit police as she slept in her own bed), is a 24/7 reality for black children in colorblind America. From the time they are kindergartners to the time they are college students, youth of color are told that Western traditions reflect a universal aesthetic and cultural standard against which all other traditions are measured. They are trained not to see that white men dominate Western art history and education. They are socialized to believe that Western traditions reflect universal objective standards of beauty and truth. These standards tell them what the deep complexities of authentically human experience are, rather than that of their own cultures and communities.
The “Talented Tenth”
Humanism won’t mean a damn thing in their world without the right to self-determination. It has no weight or relevance without a social and gender justice movement that demands equitable access to education, living wage jobs, housing, reproductive health and universal health care as a moral human right. My Women’s Leadership Project (WLP) students challenge and redefine what culturally relevant humanism looks like on a daily basis through their resistance against racist sexist expectations. At the end of the month WLP seniors will receive First in the Family scholarships from a local nonprofit for their kick ass activism and academic performance. Students like Ronmely Andrade were never among the Talented Tenth expected to go on to college. A month ago Ronmely was headed to the military after graduation, swayed by the Marines’ relentless on-campus recruitment campaign. A gifted speaker and presenter, she later expressed misgivings about going to boot camp and training for a career as a mechanic. While so-called inner city schools in South and East L.A. are besieged by military recruiters the more affluent predominantly white schools on the Westside and in the Valley get the college recruiters and the A-G college prep classes with highly qualified teachers who don’t take off after two years. In an era of educational apartheid, the Americana fever pitch of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines is unheard of on these campuses because it is a given that their students will be going on to college, not dying on the frontlines.
Ronmely is an agnostic from a Catholic background and works long hours at Jack in the Box to help support her family. She is a natural born leader who exudes a steely poise and control in front of student audiences that are often hostile to hearing about sexual violence from assertive young women of color. I have been an admirer of her fierceness ever since she came into the program. When I was her age no one ever came to our classrooms to talk to us about sexual violence or sexual harassment. Even though many of us were being sexually harassed or assaulted daily by peers, predator teachers and relatives there was no engagement with the role this played in our sense of self-image and life expectations. There was no feminist youth movement to address misogyny and internalized sexism in communities of color. Criminalized as un-rapeable ho super-sluts women of color weren’t true victims of sexual violence. It was accepted that they should remain silent about their victimization, lest they be smeared as uppity castrating bitches detracting from the “real” issue of the brutalization of men of color. In a recent blogpost on reproductive justice 12th grader Brenda Briones writes, “I have heard many Latino fathers brag about their promiscuous sons. I have never heard a Latino parent brag about a promiscuous daughter. In accordance with their Catholic or Christian beliefs, ‘good daughters’ are expected to stay virgins until marriage. This double standard makes boys think that young women are sexual objects that can be used to prove to the world that they are ‘true players.’ When we as a community, uphold these views, we tell young women that their value is rooted in their sexuality and not their talents or intellect.” A talented writer with a high GPA, Brenda will be attending a community college in the fall because she is undocumented and does not qualify for federal financial aid. In her experiences with college counselors WLP program coordinator Diane Arellano reports that undocumented high school students like Brenda are often explicitly told that there is no college path for them.
This year, with Diane’s guidance, Brenda and her fellow WLP students started an AB540 group to advocate for undocumented youth on their campus. Drop-outs, racist push-out policies, transfers, and incarceration winnow the numbers of 9th graders who eventually graduate. Next week during their graduation they may sit on a football field that is only two thirds full; bad uppity “bitches” ready for their lifelong battle with the O.G.s.
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